Christopher Marlowe Essays - , Term Papers

Christopher Marlowe Christopher Marlowe: what did he contribute to English literature and how is his writing reflective of the style of the times? Christopher Marlowe contributed greatly to English literature. He developed a new metre which has become one of the most popular in English literary history, and he revitalised a dying form of English drama. His short life was apparently violent and the man himself was supposedly of a volatile temperament, yet he managed to write some of the most delicate and beautiful works on record. His writing is representative of the spirit of the Elizabethan literature in his attitude towards religion, his choice of writing style and in the metre that he used. Christopher Marlowe was born in 1564 the son of a Canterbury shoemaker and was an exact contemporary of Shakespeare. He was educated at the King's School, Canterbury, and Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. He became a BA in 1584 and a MA in 1587. He seems to have been of a violent nature and was often in trouble with the law. He made many trips to the continent during his short lifetime and it has been suggested that these visits were related to espionage. In 1589 he was involved in a street brawl which resulted in a man's death. An injunction was brought against him three years later by the constable of Shoreditch in relation to that death. In 1592 he was deported from the Netherlands after attempting to issue forged gold coins. On the 30th of May 1593 he was killed by Ingram Frizer in a Deptford tavern after a quarrel over the bill. He was only 29 years old. During the middle ages, culture and government were influenced greatly by the Church of Rome. The Reformation of Henry VIII (1529-39), and the break of ties with that church meant that the monarch was now supreme governor. This altered the whole balance of political and religious life, and, consequently, was the balance of literature, art and thought. The literature of Elizabethan England was based on the crown. This period of literature (1558-1625) is outstanding because of its range of interests and vitality of language. Drama was the chief form of Elizabethan art because there was an influx of writers trying to emulate speech in their writing, and because of the suddenly expanded vocabulary writers were using (most of these new words came from foreign languages). Marlowe's plays comprise The Tragedy of Dido, Queen of Carthage (possibly with some collaboration from Nashe), Tamburlaine parts one and two, The Jew of Malta, Edward II, Dr. Faustus and The Massacre at Paris. Up to the time of Tamburlaine, written in 15 87-8, there had been a few so-called tragedies. Of these, the best known is Gorboduc, first played in 1561, and apparently popular enough to justify its printing a few years later, although the play was "a lifeless performance, with no character of enough vitality to stand out from the ruck of the rest of the pasteboards." With Tamburlaine, Marlowe swept the Elizabethan audiences off their feet. The Jew of Malta, written after Tamburlaine, begins very strongly, with the main character a commanding figure of the same calibre as Tamburlaine, and the characterisation is better rounded than Tamburlaine's. Sadly the play comes to pieces after the second act, and it has been speculated that another less talented author revised the ending. Edward II is unexpected in that the main character is a neurotic weakling, instead of a dominant figure like Henry V. Even though the characterisation is clumsy, it is yet a dramatist's treatment, and one can see that Marlowe has moved towards creating a more developed character. Marlowe thus breathed new life into English tragedy, and paved the way for the greatest English dramatist, Shakespeare. It is quite possible that without Marlowe's contribution to English tragedy, Shakespeare would never have at tempted such an unpopular style and he would not be canonised as he is today. The Tragical History of Doctor Faustus is surely the pinnacle of Marlowe's achievement. The subject no doubt appealed to Marlowe. In no other play of his, nor in the majority of English literature, is there a scene to match the passionate and

General Jimmy Doolittle - World War II

General Jimmy Doolittle - World War II Jimmy Doolittle - Early Life: Born on December 14, 1896, James Harold Doolittle was the son of Frank and Rose Doolittle of Alameda, CA. Spending part of his youth in Nome, AK, Doolittle quickly developed a reputation as boxer and became the amateur flyweight champion of the West Coast. Attending Los Angeles City College, he transferred to the University of California-Berkeley in 1916. With the US entry into World War I, Doolittle left school and enlisted in the Signal Corps reserve as a flying cadet in October 1917. While training at the School of Military Aeronautics and Rockwell Field, Doolittle married Josephine Daniels on December 24. Jimmy Doolittle - World War I: Commissioned a second lieutenant on March 11, 1918, Doolittle was assigned to Camp John Dick Aviation Concentration Camp, TX as a flying instructor. He served in this role at various airfields for the duration of the conflict. While posted to Kelly Field and Eagle Pass, TX, Doolittle flew patrols along the Mexican border in support of Border Patrol operations. With the wars conclusion later that year, Doolittle was selected for retention and given a Regular Army commission. After being promoted to first lieutenant in July 1920, he attended the Air Service Mechanical School and Aeronautical Engineering Course. Jimmy Doolittle - Interwar Years: After completing these courses, Doolittle was permitted to return to Berkeley to complete his undergraduate degree. He achieved national fame in September 1922, when he flew a de Havilland DH-4, equipped with early navigational instruments, across the United States from Florida to California. For this feat, he was given the Distinguished Flying Cross. Assigned to McCook Field, OH as a test pilot and aeronautical engineer, Doolittle entered the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1923, to begin work on his masters degree. Given two years by the US Army to complete his degree, Doolittle began conducting aircraft acceleration tests at McCook. These provided the basis for his masters thesis and earned him a second Distinguished Flying Cross. Finishing his degree a year early, he commenced work towards his doctorate which he received in 1925. That same year he won the Schneider Cup race, for which he received the 1926 Mackay Trophy. Though injured during a demonstration tour in 1926, Doolittle remained on the leading edge of aviation innovation. Working from McCook and Mitchell Fields, he pioneered instrument flying and assisted in developing the artificial horizon and directional gyroscope that are standard in modern aircraft. Utilizing these tools, he became the first pilot to take off, fly, and land using only instruments in 1929. For this feat of blind flying, he later won the Harmon Trophy. Moving to the private sector in 1930, Doolittle resigned his regular commission and accepted one as a major in the reserves upon becoming the head of Shell Oils Aviation Department. While working at Shell, Doolittle aided in developing new higher-octane aircraft fuels and continued his racing career. After winning the Bendix Trophy Race in 1931, and the Thompson Trophy Race in 1932, Doolittle announced his retirement from racing, stating, I have yet to hear anyone engaged in this work dying of old age. Tapped to serve on the Baker Board to analyze the reorganization of the air corps, Doolittle returned to active service on July 1, 1940, and was assigned to the Central Air Corps Procurement District where he consulted with auto makers about transitioning their plants to build aircraft. Jimmy Doolittle - World War II: Following the Japanese bombing of Pearl Harbor and the US entry into World War II, Doolittle was promoted to lieutenant colonel and transferred to Headquarters Army Air Force to aid in planning an attack against the Japanese home islands. Volunteering to lead the raid, Doolittle planned to fly sixteen B-25 Mitchell medium bombers off the deck the aircraft carrier USS Hornet, bomb targets in Japan, then fly through to bases in China. Approved by General Henry Arnold, Doolittle relentlessly trained his volunteer crews in Florida before embarking aboard Hornet. Sailing under a veil of secrecy, Hornets task force was spotted by Japanese picket on April 18, 1942. Though 170 miles short of their intended launch point, Doolittle decided to immediately commence the operation. Taking off, the raiders successfully hit their targets and proceeded on to China where most were forced to bail out short of their intended landing sites. Though the raid inflicted little material damage, it provided a massive boost to Allied morale and forced the Japanese to redeploy their forces to protect the home islands. For leading the strike, Doolittle received the Congressional Medal of Honor. Directly promoted to brigadier general the day after the raid, Doolittle was briefly assigned to the Eighth Air Force in Europe that July, before being posted to the Twelfth Air Force in North Africa. Promoted again in November (to major general), Doolittle was given command of the Northwest African Strategic Air Forces in March 1943, which consisted of both American and British units. A rising star in the US Army Air Forces high command, Doolittle briefly led the Fifteenth Air Force, before taking over the Eighth Air Force in England. Assuming command of the Eighth, with the rank of lieutenant general, in January 1944, Doolittle oversaw its operations against the Luftwaffe in northern Europe. Among the notable changes he made was allowing escorting fighters to leave their bomber formations to attack German airfields. This aided in preventing German fighters from launching as well as assisted in allowing the Allies to gain air superiority. Doolittle led the Eighth until September 1945, and was in the process of planning for its redeployment to the Pacific Theater of Operations when the war ended. Jimmy Doolittle - Postwar: With the postwar reduction of forces, Doolittle reverted to reserve status on May 10, 1946. Returning to Shell Oil, he accepted a position as a vice president and director. In his reserve role, he served as a special assistant to the Air Force chief of staff and advised on technical issues which ultimately led to the US space program and the Air Forces ballistic missile program. Retiring completely from the military in 1959, he later served as chairman of the board of Space Technology Laboratories. A final honor was bestowed upon Doolittle on April 4, 1985, when he was promoted to general on the retired list by President Ronald Reagan. Doolittle died September 27, 1993, and was buried at Arlington National Cemetery. Selected Sources Doolittle Raiders: First Joint ActionCalifornia State Military Museum: General Jimmy Doolittle

Application for UNSW Golden Jubilee Scholarship Essay

Application for UNSW Golden Jubilee Scholarship - Essay Example I wish to be able to develop vaccine that can be taken by healthy people in order to prevent the entry of the HIV virus into their system. A scholarship is the only way that I will be able to kick start my scientific career quest. With a little bit of luck, I will become one of the lucky recipients of the Golden Jubilee Scholarship and be given a rare opportunity to dive head first into the world of Biotechnology. As an actively participating student of UNSW, each moment that I am on campus shall be spent in preparation for my future career. I shall spend as much time as possible learning from the available mentors and presenting my ideas for the HIV vaccine to other students and faculty members who may be able to help me get a head start in the development process. Perhaps I will get a grant that will allow me to do scientific studies of the HIV virus and its mutations in an effort to help curb the spread of the virus. I will continuously involve my schoolmates who share the same interest and passion for biotechnology as I do. Hopefully, we will be able to organize ourselves into the pioneer group that shall concentrate on the vaccine development, thus catapulting UNSW to the forefront of HIV research and de velopment. I am looking forward to enrolling at UNSW so that I can expand upon my existing knowledge of biological and industrial processes involved in the biotechnological area. Upon graduation, I hope to see my name become synonymous with breakthrough biotechnological advancements and treatments of various illnesses. I am serious about my ambitions and goals. I hope that the Golden Jubilee Scholarship will do just

E-Learning Master Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2750 words

E-Learning Master - Essay Example I will lso use cse study to support the evidence of the theory. It hs been rgued tht computer-bsed communiction is the most fundmentl chnge in communictions technology in the lst 150 yers (de l Sol Pool 1984). The prolifertion of the personl computer combined with the Internet hs precipitted fr-reching chnges in society. Electronic communictions nd digitl networks re trnsforming the wy we work nd re reshping personl communiction nd entertinment. This trnsformtion hs hd tremendous effect on the need nd opportunity to lern. Unfortuntely, the trnsmission model tht still domintes eduction hs chnged little. Notwithstnding the widespred doption of computer communictions in society, we hve yet to fully experience the trnsformtive effects of this medium, prticulrly its effect on e-lerning. We re in wht John Seely Brown (2000) described s the grdul development phse of this trnsformtive medium nd re yet to experience its explosive impct. We re only experiencing e-lerning in its erly forms nd hve much to lern of its inherent cpbilities nd the cretion of new 'lerning ecology' (Brown 2000). s hs been suggested, e-lerning is not simply nother technology or dd-on tht will be quietly integrted or ultimtely rejected. E-lerning represents very different ctegory nd mode of communiction. Since communiction is t the hert of ll forms of eductionl interction, it is likely tht its impct on eduction systems nd individul techers nd lerners will be significnt. It mkes little sense to replicte or simulte trditionl fce-to-fce pproches. Clerly, if we relly re experiencing new lerning ecology, simulting prctices bsed on very different ecology simply misses the point. Not only would opportunities to improve the lerning experience be lost, but merely simulting trditionl prctices resists cpitlizing on the chrcteristics of new er of lerning. E-lerning will inevitbly trnsform ll forms of eduction nd lerning in the twenty-first century. Notwithstnding tht e-lerning's influence in trditionl eductionl institutions hs been wek - in relity, little more thn n enhncement of current prctices - s we gin better understnding of its potentil nd strengths, e-lerning will effectively trnsform how we pproch the teching nd lerning trnsction (Grrison nd nderson 2000). E-lerning trnsforms eduction in wys tht extend beyond the efficient delivery or entertinment vlue of trditionl pproches. E-lerning cnnot be ignored by those who re seriously committed to enhncing teching nd lerning. 1. new relity with ccess to E-lerning t the core of the e-lerning trnsformtion is the Internet. report of the US Web-bsed Eduction Commission (on-line) stted: The question is no longer if the Internet cn be used to trnsform lerning in new nd powerful wys. The Commission hs found tht it cn. The Web-bsed Eduction Commission clls upon the new Congress nd dministrtion to embrce n 'e-lerning' gend s centrepiece of our ntion's federl eduction policy. (Retrieved July 2001) The report recommended tht vstly expnded development nd innovtion progrmme 'should be built on deeper understnding of how people lern, how new tools support nd ssess lerning

Globalization and South Korea Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Globalization and South Korea - Essay Example Ever since the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT) came into effect in the 90's and the World Trade Organization was established with a mandate to regulate and intervene in the disputes arising out of globalization, the world economy has been integrated in a way that has surpassed the earlier attempts. This is noteworthy, as contrary to popular belief, trade and commerce between nations has always been the case since the first ships carrying silk, spices and muslin from the east and other exotic stuff from the west has set forth for each other's shores. In fact, the famous voyage of Christopher Columbus is a testament to the ability of nations to seek out markets other than their own for trade. Though the world was integrated in colonial times as well, the process received a setback in the 21st century in the intervening period between the two world wars. It was only after the establishment of the Bretton Woods system that the world economy started regaining some of its int erconnectedness. And the demise of alternatives to capitalism and the free market system ensured that all countries with a desire to alleviate poverty and raise the standard of living of the peoples would invariably turn to trade and commerce and utilize the "theory of comparative advantage"iii as proposed by the noted economist David Ricardo. Globalization as a phenomenon cannot be avoided. Despite the setbacks to the process by the events in the aftermath of 9/11, Globalization continues its inexorable march adding new strands to its already well-knit thread. The successes of India and China in this decade and the successes of the so-called "Tiger economies" of South East Asia in the previous decades are proof that globalization works. The Real Issues Covering Globalization Procedures There are numerous studies that pertain to the reasons behind the reality of the actual events of the worldwide events regarding the issue of underdeveloped countries. There have also been numerous theories designed through the said studies to be able to explain the reason behind the issue being discussed herein. For instance, John Degnbol-Martinussen said in his book Aid: Understanding International Development Cooperation, "the foreign relations between many countries worldwide mainly depend upon the economic status of each state. The ability to be n relation with other countries is usually dependent upon the fact that a country is required to have a certain considerable economic status in the world economy" (13). Saying this, Martinussen simply shows how the present society measures a country's status through its economic status. This is mainly the reason behind the fact that there exist three divisions of economic class in the global setting of economic scale. Basing from the dep endency theory, it could be identified that among the reason behind the status of underdeveloped countries is the fact that many poor sectors of the global economy remain as suppliers to the developed states. They serve as mere support to the 'bigger or larger sectors' of the human generation. The fact that proves the said theory is its basis upon the actual occurrences today regarding the oppression of the poor. True, to be able to remain wealthy, many developed countries depend upon the underdeveloped ones for raw materials and resources for several

Ethnicity and Genocide in Rwanda

Ethnicity and Genocide in Rwanda Tracing the origins of a genocide is a treacherous undertaking. If simply recording the facts can be difficult, due to the chaotic and brutal disregard of human existence and culture, then tracing the social, cultural and political origins/causes is highly problematic. If the interpreter chooses to trace these origins to the distant past, by considering peculiar cultural developments and tensions then he/she can be accused of absolving those who were actively involved in the genocide of the responsibility that should be attributed to them. If on the other hand, the interpreter chooses merely to concentrate on the motivations of those involved then this can be at the expense of a broader understanding of the circumstances that enabled such motivations to flourish. This dilemma certainly confronts efforts to explain the most notorious genocide in human history, in Germany during the second world war. Hannah Arendt for example, asked us, disturbingly, to think of Eichman as just a burea ucrat trying to do the best for his career and family as a creation of the dark side of modernity. In attempting to explain a more recent, equally brutal, genocide in Rwanda in 1994 we are once again confronted by the interpretive dilemma described above. In the case of Rwanda the issue for those attempting to explain why almost 1 million people were murdered in the space of just a few months, has been the extent to which ethnicity was the decisive factor. Was it ethnic tension and rivalry that erupted, horrifically, into the mass killing of a minority ethnic group by another majority ethnic group? If so then how did such viscous ethnic tension emerge? Was it an artificial creation of colonial rule, that was very likely to eventually end in violent conflict? Or were ethnic tensions between the Hutu and Tutsi the deliberate construction of power groups bent on the annihilation of their enemies, their competitors for power. And to what extent were these tensions class based rather than ethnic? In the following essay I shall show how there is more at stake in assessing the contributi on of ethnicity to the genocide in Rwanda than the degree to which ethnicity was a factor. Moreover, it is very clear that ethnicity played a part but the key issue is when, who, how and for what purpose was ‘ethnic’ division created? Our answers to these questions will lead us to the very meaning of the ethnicities themselves. Ethnicity and Genocide Before we can begin to address the particular case of Rwanda however we should clarify what will be meant by both ethnicity and genocide. The term ethnicity is usually employed to refer to the identity of a group of people who share a particular geography, language, history, religion, habits and customs that can be distinguished from other such groups. Whether this identity is ‘imaginary or real’, as Obi Zgwanda notes, is irrelevant. What matters is that there is a perception of ethnic differences and that this perception guides the actions and interactions of those who hold to them. It is important also to note here that ethnicity is a social identity that is not necessarily confined by, or the product of, precise geographical boundaries. Indeed Africa is a good example of a region that consists of many ethnicities that pre-date the establishment of geographical boundaries. Moreover, just because a certain social identity is not geographically demarcated against another social identity, it’s other, does not mean that the social identity in question is any less describable as ethnic (Igwara, 1995: 7) The term genocide requires a much more formal definition. This is because there often seems to be some confusion between killing that is motivated by ethnic hatred and the deliberate, planned attempt to eliminate a certain ethnic group which is what we shall understand to be genocide. The distinction is important because it is much easier to understand the socio-historical causes of violence between ethnic groups than it is to trace the socio-historical legacy that led to genocide. In other words, there may exist ethnic tensions or competing ethnicities but it is a big step to then understand them as the key contributing factor in genocide. And once we recognise that genocide is planned and deliberate then we also have to take into account the motivations of the planners of the genocide. In other words, we need to consider the extent to which ethnicity was manipulated by actors bent on the paranoid accumulation of power and wealth. Hutu and Tutsi as ethnicities? Hutu and Tutsi are the two main ethnic groupings in Rwanda. But are they really distinct ethnic groupings. After all, they share the same language and customs and are not divided by religion either. Indeed, they also share the same geography. The Hutu, who are the majority group, have been historically distinguished, most significantly, merely by their occupation as farmers of the land whereas Tutsi are mainly cattle farmers. To be sure this is an important difference, in that ownership of cattle has traditionally been thought of as the chief measure of status. There are some who believe that Tutsi and Hutu can be distinguished also by appearance but then there are others still who believe that this is mythical, a social imagination of former Tutsi rule which explains why they are thought to be taller. In any case, the pre-twentieth century history of Tutsi and Hutu suggest that the two groups were different not as ethnicities as such but as two layers of a caste system. This would perhaps explain why prior to the twentieth century the Hutu and Tutsi coexisted relatively peacefully; certainly if the cultural and economic hierarchy between Tutsi and Hutu was internalised as a natural order within the social identities of the two groupings. Indeed, to describe the Hutu and Tutsi as ethnicities may indeed be a Eurocentric way of classifying the differences between the two groups that wants to divide up the world into distinct ethnicities, much in the way that nations are divided up. To put the point differently, it is rather like understanding the middle and working classes in Britain as separate ethnicities. To conclude this section, if the genocide carried out by Hutu against Tutsi is to be understood in terms of ethnicity then the ethnicity we are referring to must surely be a recent creation and therefore, perhaps less decisive as a factor? Colonialism and the construction of ethnicity It is now widely recognised that colonial rule of Africa, and other parts of the world, created tensions that otherwise might not have existed. There are two key reasons for this effect. Firstly, the dividing up of Africa by European powers in the 19th and early 20th century created artificial boundaries which subsequently became states, and which would later become the subject of dispute and violent conflict. Secondly, and more significantly in the case of Rwanda colonialism imposed what is called the settler/native dialectic. The settler/native dialectic did not just impose a hierarchy it established an altered consciousness in which social identities were relative to the superiority of the colonist (Mamdani, 2001). Moreover, consent to colonial rule was imposed not just through force but through a kind of cultural assimilation in which the native was encouraged to aspire to the cultural and economic superiority of the settler. This surely had the effect of heightening tensions bet ween groups that were privileged or marginalised within this dialectic thus feeding a key ingredient of ethnicity, namely otherness (Mamdani, 2001) German control of Rwanda up until the first world war certainly followed the logic of colonialism described above. Throughout German occupation the dominance of the Tutsi was further institutionalised through administrative and economic structures. And the enforcement of a tax regime meant that the Tutsi were both partly responsible for and beneficiaries of the collection and allocation of revenue. However, it was Belgian colonialism that had the most significant impact on relations between Hutu and Tutsi, and the social construction of ethnic identity in Rwanda. There are several key factors here. Firstly, after taking control of the colony after world war one, the Belgian authorities introduced formal ethnic identification. Every Rwandan was forced to carry identity cards stating their ethnic identity, i.e Hutu or Tutsi. Placed alongside the continued support for the Tutsi elite and the explicit belief that the Tutsi were superior to the Hutu, physically and culturally, this surely had the effect of polarising the ‘ethnic’ contrast between the two groups (Igwara, 1995: 46) Worse still, the Belgian authorities attempted to make Rwanda into a profitable colony and thus enforced a much harsher regime than under the Germans. Since much of the administration of this regime was carried out by the Tutsi an actual dynamic of tension was set in place that was to unfold throughout the twentieth century. The Belgian colonisers certainly helped to ensure, albeit unintentionally, that this dynamic became conflictual and violent. In the 1950’s signs of unrest amongst the Hutu population in reaction to their oppressed condition led the Belgian authorities to introduce a greater measure of equality between the Hutu and Tutsi. Moreover the growing confidence and deepened collective consciousness of the Hutu eventually resulted in a bloody overthrow by the Hutu of the Tutsi regime in 1959. From 1962 onwards the Hutu reversed the Tutsi dominance, often just as brutally as the regime that it replaced. By the 1990’s the Hutu and Tutsi were divided, at least, by divergent collective memories of the past, or in other words by conflicting ethnic identities. By way of conclusion to our summary of the effects of colonialism, we can say that the colonial control of Rwanda clearly established tensions that might not otherwise have existed, which had the effect of strengthening the ethnic self-consciousness of the Hutu and Tutsi (Mamdani, 2001). Though we have not yet established the degree to which ethnicity contributed to the genocide in Rwanda, it is clear that the tensions that were present in the early 1990’s were ethnic ones, even if they were only recently created. By this time the perceived cultural differences between the Hutu and Tutsi were not mere economic. The Genocide It is one thing to establish that the genocide occurred against a background of decades of ethnic strife, but quite another to claim this strife was the decisive factor in the genocide. To claim that ethnicity was the decisive factor in the genocide is perhaps to suppose that the genocide was spontaneous, that it was the rising to the surface of ethnic injustice and hatred whose will was carried out by the militia who slaughtered so many Tutsi, in such a short space of time. But perhaps this is what the perpetrators of the genocide would like us to believe. Perhaps it would be more accurate to claim, following the definition of Genocide outlined above, that the genocide was deliberate and planned and that the ethnic hatred, and thus the particular ethnicity that played a part was also deliberately cultivated for the purpose of carrying out genocide. There are several key factors here. Firstly whilst its scale was unprecedented in Rwanda, the genocide arguably began sometime before 1994. During the late 1980’s and early 1990’s a series of progroms were carried out. These were smaller scale brutal killing expeditions by Hutu militia, coordinated by the Hutu government, most probably in preparation for genocide on a much greater scale (Freeman, 1998). The Hutu government appeared to have arrived at the conclusion that the surest way to permanently secure its power base was the elimination of the Tutsi. The rhetoric of the regime during this period certainly seems to confirm this. But the Hutu suppression of the Tutsi during this period, under the leadership of Habyarimana, was not simply motivated by the desire to ethnically cleanse. Even though viscous ethnocentric rhetoric was employed the Hutu government were perhaps more fearful of the consequences of the pressure that was being brought on them by external powers for democratic reform and thus the i nclusion of the Tutsi. The progroms then, and the eventual genocide may be seen as an attempt to eliminate any threat to its power base before it was required to relent to pressure for democratic reform. Indeed, the introduction of democratic reform during the early 1990’s only further strengthened the Hutu governments cause. More press freedom and the establishment of new political parties only led to more pro-Hutu and more anti-Tutsi rhetoric. This rhetoric was also more specifically targeted against the Arusha accords which were supposed to establish a power-sharing arrangement with the Tutsi. To be sure, the chances for the success of the accords was diminished also by the invasions between 1990-93 of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) a Tutsi led militia force based in Uganda. However the fear amongst the Hutu elite that if the accords were realised they would lose their cultural and political positions was more decisively a factor in their racialisation of Rwanda politic s during the period before the genocide. The extent to which the Rwandan genocide was planned and thus the result of a power struggle rather, merely, than ethnicity, is evidenced by the events that led up to the genocide in the months before. On April 6th 1994 a plane carrying the president was shot down by a missile, killing everyone on board. But in the same day of the attack, Hutu militia were out on patrol checking the identities of all passers by if they were Tutsi they were brutally murdered with machete’s (Freeman, 1998: 49). The killing that ensued then was immediate and on a mass scale during a period of just 3 months. Estimates of the number of Tutsi killed ranged between 700,000 and 1 million. The apparent suddenness of the genocide as well as the inaction of the international community should not however, disguise the significant and not well concealed evidence that the genocide was planned even predictable. Indeed the attack on the presidents aeroplane is still shrouded in mystery. It is unclear who ca rried out the attack and some suspect that it may have been Hutu extremists concerned that the Hutu government would relinquish some of its power base to the Tutsi. And it should also be noted that the genocide was not just targeted at Tutsi but Hutu moderates. The relative absence of ethnicity as a factor in the summary above leaves out an important question however. How is it, if the genocide was a planned attempt by the Hutu elite to eliminate any potential threat to its power-base, that so many people participated in the genocide. However, only 10% of the Hutu population participated in the killings. The image that is often portrayed of the people killing their neighbours often obscures this statistic. It is true that Tutsi and Hutu lived in the same communities and spoke the same language and even married each other but one cannot make the further step that the genocide was the spontaneous eruption of ethnic hatred. Clearly, the events and origins of the genocide in Rwanda are highly contested. Indeed, it is important to include here the interpretation of the events offered by western governments and the western media. There is much evidence to suggest that both the U.S and France had the operational military capability to intervene ra pidly and decisively to halt the genocide. Furthermore the shooting down of the presidents plane has never properly been investigated, either by the U.N, American or Belgian authorities. Moreover Rwanda represents a massive failure on a number of fronts. The most blatant failure was clearly that of the United Nations for pathetically sending in peacekeeping troops that were merely able to stand by and watch the slaughter. Then there is the failure, and apparent inconsistency of the ‘American empire’ to decisively intervene despite its interventions elsewhere. And there is also the failure to prevent the genocide, to do anything about the preparations for genocide. Indeed, Rwanda was actually viewed as a model of development of an example of the success of international development aid. This is despite the substantial use of international aid for the funding Hutu militia and the luxurious lifestyles of the Hutu elite. From the perspective of these failed actors, or non-actors, it is certainly much more convenient either to understand what happened in Rwanda as ‘civil war’ or to understand it as a sudden eruption of ethnic tensions that defy easy explanation. Curiously, by laying the blame for the genocide at the door of colonialism the cultural studies, post-colonial explanation for the genocide in Rwanda actually ends up allying itself with the former colonial powers who apparently ‘powerless’ to intervene. Conclusion Whilst ethnicity is clearly a factor in the genocide in Rwanda, we need to be careful the way in which and the degree to which attribute this factor. Firstly, historically the Tutsi and Hutu have been divided along class rather than ethnic lines. Their differences do not take the form of ethnic differences in the European sense of the term. Secondly, whilst the colonial intensification of tensions between the Hutu and Tutsi created a consciousness of ethnicity that might not otherwise have existed we should be careful when attempting to trace the specific and brutal act of genocide to the legacy of colonialism. Thirdly, the years, months, days and hours that proceded the genocide suggest that it was planned and thus not a sudden eruption of ethnic tension and hostilities as is sometimes implied. Bibliography John A. Berry and Carol Pott Berry (eds.), Genocide in Rwanda:  A Collective Memory. Washington, DC: Howard University  Press, 1999. Charles Freeman, Crisis in Central Africa Hove: Wagland, 1998 Mahmood Mamdani, When Victims Become  Killers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001. Obi Igwara, Ethnic Hatred: genocide in Rwanda London: ASEAN, 1995

Tanning Beds and Skin Cancer Essay -- Medical Medicine Papers

Tanning Beds and Skin Cancer What is UV radiation? Before one can discuss harmful effects of tanning equipment and increased sun exposure, one must be familiar with the components of ultraviolet light and how affects the skin. Sunlight contains two types of ultraviolet (UV) light: UVA and UVB. UVA rays consist of longer wavelengths that penetrate deep into the dermal layer of skin. Limited exposure to UVA rays causes skin to tan; however, most experts agree that overexposure to UVA can lead to other long-term skin damage. UVB rays’ wavelengths are much shorter, affecting the outermost layers of skin. UVB rays are known as the "burning rays" and are considered more dangerous. Tanning beds and sun lamps generally emit 93% to 99% UVA radiation increasing the benefits of a tan This is three times the UVA radiation given off by the sun (http://www.wraltv.com/features/healthteam/1998/0520-sunscreen/). What’s the difference between a tan and sunburn? It is also important to know what happens to the skin as it is tanned or burned and what the long-term, harmful effects may be. UVB rays are most responsible for a skin’s burning. The rays actually pop the capillaries just beneath the surface of the skin (http://www.cybermall2000.com/stones/tanning/index.html). Long-wavelength, UVA rays have totally different results on the skin. As UVA rays penetrate into the skin, melanin granules are oxidized and tan, or, turn golden brown. However, UVB rays are required to stimulate these melanin granules to rise to the skin’s surface, especially in skin that possesses small amounts of the pigment, melanin (http://www.shop.net/suncity/). What makes tanning beds safer? Most tanning bed industries agree that indoor ... ...A ‘sun-bed.’ British Journal of Dermatology 1982; 107: 275-284. Kennedy, M., Kim, K., Harten, B., Brown, J., Planck, S., Meshul, C.,Edelhauser, H., Rosenbaum, J.T., Armstrong, C.A., & Ansel, J.C. (1997). Ultraviolet Irradiation Induces the Production of Multiple Cytokines by Human Corneal Cells. Investigative Ophthalmology and Visual Science. Sept, 1997, Vol. 3, No. 10. Bolseman, C., Beitner, H., Jansson, B., Nilsson, B., &Ullen, H. (1996). Sunbed use in relation to phenotype, erythema, sunscreen use and skin diseases. A questionnaire survey among Swedish adolescents. British Journal of Dermatology 1996; 135: 712-716. Douglass, H.M., McGee, R., & Williams, S. (1997). Sun behavior and perceptions of risk for melanoma among 21-year old New Zealanders. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Public Health 21(3): 329-334. (abstract).